Tribal womanPhoto: Getty ImagesTribal womanPhoto: Getty Images On a cold February evening, just as the sun was about to set, a mob of about 25-30 men forcefully entered the home of a Dalit woman, Sunita (name changed) in Dumaria block of Gaya district in Bihar. They assaulted the woman, poured kerosene on her and burnt her alive. Later, they claimed she was a witch.
The case eventually highlighted the discovery of similar cases in neighbouring districts. Within two months, two other women in Darbhanga and Danapur districts of the state met with a similar fate while in Muzaffarnagar, a woman was disrobed and paraded naked after her head was shaved on suspicions of being a witch.
The incidents led a group of women’s rights activists to survey the state of witch-hunting in Bihar, 25 years after it became the first state to enact a law banning it. The report, titled “The Dark Realities of Witch-Hunting: New Evidence from Bihar”, highlights the pervasive nature of witch-hunting accusations and dispels some common myths regarding the prevalence of witch-hunting.
Chhattisgarh: Woman Made To Walk on Burning Coal, Iron Nails To Prove She Didn't Practise Witchcraft Over 2,500 women killedData shows a consistent increase in cases of gender-based violence against women, including cases of witch hunting. Despite laws being strengthened, the lives of women remain vulnerable to extreme forms of violence. As per National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data, over 2,500 persons have been killed between 2000-2016 for allegedly practicing witchcraft, a majority of them women.
NCRB annual reports also show that between 2015 and 2021, India reported 663 murders attributed to witch-hunting/witchcraft. This means an average of 95 witch-hunting deaths every year.
The appalling data may still not reflect the true extent of the prevalence of witch-hunting as activists claim that many of the cases are not even recorded.
Spread across ten districts, the recent survey undertaken by Nirantar Trust in collaboration with women federations from Bihar in 2023-24 is based on conversations with 145 women respondents from 114 villages who have survived or faced witch hunt-related violence and persecution. The data not only highlights the high prevalence of witch-hunting or ‘daayin pratha’ but also gives insights into why the practice continues to thrive even in states that have enacted laws against it.
Poems On Being A Dalit Woman And Being Taught Silence Who are the women persecuted in the witch-hunt?The survey noted that a majority of the victims were married, deserted or widowed women or those unable to bear children.
Out of the total respondents, 83 percent (121 women) were married and living with their husbands and children in joint families when the incidents happened, indicating that marriage, usually purported to provide a safety net for women, failed to provide safety, security, or dignity to the women.
online slots real moneyOf the total respondents, 108 women were in the age group of 46 to 66 years, indicating that middle-aged or older, aging women past the reproductive age face a higher degree of accusations of witchcraft.
Women are also labeled witches following any visible increase/improvement in the women or their family’s income and finances. At least 42 percent of the women surveyed said that jealousy over the improved financial status of their families led to attacks on them.
Women from marginalised castes face higher vulnerability. The survey showed that 97 percent of the women surveyed belonged to Dalit, Backward or Extremely Backward Classes.
The surveyors also noted that women in leadership roles within the village or community were more likely to be persecuted. 56 percent of the victims were in leadership roles of some kind.
“Women leaders or elected public representatives at panchayat, block or district level, activists, opinionated women engaged in advocacy or financial self-help groups, and women with a strong public presence and voice seem to be targeted more,” activist Santosh Sharma, who led the survey said at a conference held at the Women's Press Corps at New Delhi on December 9.
'Not Just A Woman, A Dalit Woman': Fighting Caste And Class Within India's Feminist Movement What kind of violence do victims face?Women accused of witchcraft often face socio-economic violence, often coupled with severe forms of physical violence including forced consumption of feces or sewage, parading, shaving of the head, sexual violence, and murder.
As many as 114 respondents of 145, constituting 78 percent, reported enduring severe mental harassment.
At least 32 percent of the women were subjected to verbal taunts while 28 percent faced social ostracisation and boycott.
84 percent of the victims said that they suffered from physical and mental illnesses since being labelled as witches.
At least 21 out of 145 victims claimed their children faced obstacles in obtaining education since the accusations, while 58 victims said they felt hesitation and fear in accessing public spaces or moving about freely in society.
Factors that lead to witchcraft accusationsWhile superstition and illiteracy are often perceived as the key drivers perpetuating witch-hunting as a practice, the reality is more complex and reflects majoritarian attitudes toward gender equality and caste-class relations. It also reflects the low awareness about health and the lack of healthcare resources and amenities in rural spaces.
Lack of healthcare services/awareness: The survey noted that usually, allegations of witchcraft start spreading in villages that have seen the sudden illness or death of one or more of its residents including members of the woman’s family (husband/son), community members or even livestock. 40 out of 145 women blamed such incidents for their persecution. “In most cases, these deaths are caused by sustained poor health conditions of the deceased including infections or malnutrition.
Hindu Nationalists And The Tribal Convert: A Hypocritical Concern?In the absence of proper healthcare awareness or services, villagers are quick to attribute such “mysterious” deaths to some unsuspecting woman,” says Lakshmi Sahu, Secretary of Bihar Mahila Federation, a grassroots collective of women’s rights defenders. Kavita, another activist from Muzaffarpur, adds that witch-hunting cases tend to spike in extreme summer months when diseases like cholera, malaria, and kala-azar are at their peak. “Due to lack of amenities or qualified doctors, villagers often take the sick to local shamans for treatment or solution,” the activist said.
Kavita, who lives with polio, said that when she was young and first started showing symptoms of the disease, her mother had wanted to take her to a doctor, but her relatives and neighbours insisted she be taken to an ojha. “My mother always held the Ojha responsible for me not getting better. It inspired her and later, me to take up the fight against such social ills as superstition and daayin pratha’.
Money matters: Economic progress among women or families belonging to marginalised class-caste sections often fuels accusations of witchcraft. 61 women out of 145 branded as witches stated that they had recently seen an increase in their own or familial income.
Women leaders: As mentioned above, women in leadership roles also tend to be targeted more. “Women working against domestic violence, or even against witchcraft become vulnerable as they pose a threat to the patriarchal or caste-class hegemony of the village,” Lakshmi said.
Family feuds: Old or generational family feuds are also a key reason for witchcraft accusations, which can also affect not only the woman but her entire family including her husband, children, parents or siblings.
Role of CasteCaste marginalisation plays a big role in accusations of witchcraft against women. Out of the 145 women, 82 belonged to backward or extremely backward castes, 51 belonged to the Scheduled Castes (SC) and six belonged to Scheduled Tribes (ST).
Dalit and tribal women’s rights activists have consistently dubbed witch-hunting or ‘Dayin pratha’ as a form of violence against Dalit or tribal women. In 2012, for example, a Dalit woman was branded a witch by the upper caste men of her village in Rajasthan after her mother-in-law was elected sarpanch. As per media reports at the time, the sarpanch had reportedly refused to grant certain unreasonable demands made by the upper caste community.
On The Margins Of The Marginalised, Jharkhand's Tribes Seek A Better Deal Who perpetrates witch hunt?Almost 43 percent of the women reported that the accusations of witchcraft were initiated or led by family members, meaning that the most common perpetrators of witch-hunting are often family members.
In 19 percent of the cases, neighbours were responsible for accusing the women of witchcraft. Once such allegations are initiated, the entire neighbourhood or village gets involved in the persecution.
Lawyer and activist Ajay Jaiswal, who played a key role in the creation of the Witchcraft Prohibition Act in Bihar and Jharkhand, said that the role of the ‘Ojha’, ‘shaman’ or ‘witch doctor’ (also called ‘Bhagat’ locally) often goes unnoticed. “In most cases, it is the Ojha who gives the final nod of assent to persecute a particular person. This is because the Ojha’s income and livelihood depends on such rituals,” Jaiswal states.
Highlighting the nexus between witch hunting and ojhas, the surveyors illustrate how such cases usually pan out on ground: Villagers of a certain village suspect the practice of witchcraft in the vicinity, following a sudden illness or death. They approach the local ‘Ojha’ who performs some rituals and sends the villagers back, asking them to come back after a certain amount of time. In that span, the punters and henchmen working with the Ojha travel to the village and gather information about local issues and social relations. They make notes on the people suspected or being accused of witchcraft by locals and report back to the Ojha who then makes “predictions” or conducts rituals to implicate the suspected persons.
Fear and silenceOut of the total victims, 88 percent claim to still be in fear of further attacks and persecution. Nevertheless, only 31 percent of the women lodged a formal complaint regarding the accusations. The remaining 69 percent have remained silent majorly because of fear of ‘badnaami’ or shame. Others did not complain because of pressure from in-laws or families, and yet others were not aware of the laws, means, and mechanisms available for seeking redressal for witchcraft-related persecution and violence.
How JMM Changed Its Ideological Position From Left, Right To Centre Legal hurdlesOnly a dozen states across India currently have laws related to witch-hunting including Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, and Assam.
Stressing the need for a national anti-witch hunt law, Jaiswal states that witch hunting is not a problem of just a handful of states but a social problem that reflects attitudes pervasive across the country. “There needs to be nationwide campaigning and local governance bodies need to be sensitised and made aware of laws.
Among the 145 victims surveyed in Bihar, 45 victims reported that the Panchayat was aware of the situation. This highlights the lack of accountability of the elected local bodies of governance (gram or zila panchayats) which often hold the last authority in matters of the village, in preventing such violence.
“Forming witch-hunting prevention committees at the Panchayat level that provide regular awareness and sensitisation to members of these bodies could be an important step in that direction,” Jaiswal said. He adds that Ojhas need to be held accountable at a national panchayat or district level.
Tea Tribes In Assam Marginalized Despite Economic Contribution: Soren To Himanta"That was a difficult match, we got our chances but could not convert them, that's it. Then you can see it in the scoreline. It's a matter of homework," India's long-time goalkeeper Sreejesh said after the close defeat.
There is also a need for clarity in the prosecution of cases of witch-hunts and legal definitions of witch-hunting as a specific form of gender (and often caste) based violence that is separate from other forms of violence like domestic abuse, partner abuse, or sexual abuse. “When trying to get cases of witch-hunting reported in police stations, we often face questions like ‘Madam, how is this different from other kinds of violence or domestic violence?’,” says Assam-based gender rights activist Mamoni Saikia. “Despite Assam having one of the strongest anti-witchcraft laws on paper in India, cops are often unaware of the presence of a separate provision for witch hunting cases”.
Archana Dwivedi, the Director of Nirantar said, “Witch-hunting is both domestic and public violence. It can start at home, in the family or in the neighbourhood, and stem from domestic reasons or discord, but culminate in a public display of violence.”
The activists suggested a national helpline for the reporting of such cases and also urged Gender Justice Centers at the state level to prioritise witch-hunting-related violence as a key issuegolden palasyo